Volume 2006,
Issue 6
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HERE FOR ONLINE DAILY NEWS AND CASE UPDATES
ITEMS OF SPECIAL INTEREST
President
Signs the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of
2005
Whitehouse.gov, 6.15.2006
11th
Circuit Upholds Firing of Fla. Deputies Who Appeared
in Online Porn
Daily Business Review on Law.com, Carl Jones,
6.13.2006
NY Court Says Sex Offender Can Be Blocked
from Possessing Porn
AP on Newsday, Larry Neumeister, 5.31.2006
Farrell
v. Burke, No. 05-1069 (2nd Cir. May 31, 2006)
CASES
Ravenna
Rd. Management v. City of Twinsburg,
2006 WL 1644357 (N.D.Ohio Jun 07, 2006) (NO. 04-06CV0698)
Township’s ordinance that left no possible
locations for sexually oriented businesses to
locate within town limits is held unconstitutional.
US
v. Polanco, No. 06-1328 (3d Cir.
June 12, 2006)
The Child Pornography Prevent Act makes very clear
that the United States may not be used as a conduit
for transporting child pornography between foreign
nations.
LAW REVIEWS
Constitutional
Law-Free Speech and Sex on the Internet: Court
Clips COPA's Wings, But Filtering May Still Fly.
Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Unions, 542
U.S. 656 (2004)
Betsy A. Bernfeld, 6 Wyo. L. Rev.
223 (2006)
Filtering
Out Children: The First Amendment and Internet
Porn in the U.S. Supreme Court
Mark S. Kende, 3 Mich. St. L. Rev 843 (2005)
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CASES
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Ravenna
Rd. Management v. City of Twinsburg,
2006 WL 1644357 (N.D.Ohio Jun 07, 2006) (NO. 04-06CV0698)
Township’s ordinance that left
no possible locations for sexually oriented businesses
to locate within town limits is held unconstitutional.
Ravenna sued Twinsburg arguing that its zoning
ordinance is unconstitutional, because it fails
to allow adult uses to locate anywhere in the
city. Ravenna also argued that Twinsburg violated
Ohio law and Twinsbug’s Charter by imposing
zoning restrictions without putting them to a
vote of the people for majority approval. Twinsburg
is a town of 18,000 and comprises thirteen squares
miles.
Agreeing with Ravenna factually, the district
court found that “no forms of adult entertainment
entertainment may be offered at any place within
the City of Twinsburg unless a conditional use
or variance would approved to change or modify
the existing zoning classification. “ Pursuant
to Renton v. Platyime Theatres, Inc.,
475 US. 41 (1986) cities may impose time, place,
and manner restrictions regulating the location
of sexually oriented businesses “so long
as they are designed to serve a substantial governmental
interest and do not unreasonably limit alternative
avenues of communication.” Ravenna argued
that the ordinance in question unreasonably limited
alternative avenues of communication since no
locations were available to sexually oriented
businesses. The district court agreed.
Twinsburg argued that the opportunity for Ravenna
to apply for a conditional use permit alleviated
any constitutional problems in this regard. Citing
FW/PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas, 493 U.S.
215 (1990), the district court rejected this argument:
However it is not sufficient for Defendant
to argue that Plaintiff may seek approval .
. . when there is no specific time frame for
decision and with the possibility that no application
for use would be approved.
Schad v. Borough of Mt. Ephraim, 452
U.S. 51 (1981) held that “when dealing with
primarily residential or rural communities a court
may look beyond the city limits in analyzing the
available avenues of communication. “ Twinsberg
argued that Schad should control in the
instant case. The district court distinguished
Schad on grounds that Twinsburg has a
larger population and broader variety of commercial
interests located within its boundaries compared
to the small rural areas considered in Schad.
The court also found that Twinsberg had violated
state voting requirements in imposing the zoning
restrictions.
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US v. Polanco,
No. 06-1328 (3d Cir. June 12, 2006)
The Child Pornography Prevent Act makes
very clear that the United States may not be used
as a conduit for transporting child pornography
between foreign nations.
Polanco was traveling from the Netherlands Antilles
to the Dominican Republic via the Virgin Islands.
While in route, U.S. Customs officials arrested
him for possession of child pornography.
The Third Circuit affirmed Polanco’s conviction
and sentence for knowingly transporting in interstate
and foreign commerce visual depictions of minors
engaging in sexually explicit conduct in violation
of 18 U.S. C. §§ 22529a)(1)(“B)
and 2252A(a)(1). The court of appeals rejected
Polanco’s claim that his activities did
not fall within the ambit of the statutes of conviction
because the statutory provisions do not apply
to the Virgin Islands. The court held that the
term “interstate commerce” used in
these statutes includes all U.S. territorial possessions
and Polanco was indeed engaged in foreign commerce.
The court observed: “The Child Pornography
Prevent Act makes very clear that the United States
may not be used as a conduit for transporting
child pornography between foreign nations.“
(all abstracts excerpted from law
review introductions)
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Filtering Out Children:
The First Amendment and Internet Porn in the U.S.
Supreme Court
Mark S. Kende, 3 Mich. St. L. Rev 843 (2005)
In Ashcroft v. ACLU (hereinafter Ashcroft
II), the U.S. Supreme Court in 2004 upheld,
on First Amendment grounds, a preliminary injunction
against the Child Online Protection Act (COPA).
COPA is a federal law that essentially prohibits
commercial entities from allowing minors to access
pornography on the World Wide Web. During oral
argument, U.S. Solicitor General Theodore Olson
told the Court that he had prepared for his appearance
by entering the phrase "free porn" into
an Internet search engine. His computer said "6,230,000
sites available."
In 1997, prior to deciding the Court's initial
cyberspace porn case, Reno v. ACLU (hereinafter
Reno), several Supreme Court Justices
received a first time Internet tour from their
law clerks in the Court's library. Now I am not
sure which image is more amusing-the Solicitor
General googling porn (not to mention the interesting
spam and pop-ups he might have started to receive)
or the mostly elderly Justices surfing the Web.
But despite the seven year gap, these cases show
this technology holds sway over the Court. Indeed,
the Court ruled unconstitutional the Communication
Decency Act (CDA) in Reno, and stopped COPA's
enforcement in Ashcroft II.
This paper critically analyzes Ashcroft
II. It makes three major points. First, the
majority's reasoning is legally and factually
questionable. Indeed, Congress drafted COPA to
correct the flaws that the Court said existed
in the CDA. Thus, Ashcroft II is another
example of the Rehnquist Court's judicial hubris
vis-a-vis Congress. Ashcroft II also
makes it impossible to fathom how Congress can
draft legislation that will effectively protect
children and pass constitutional muster.
Second, as in Reno, Ashcroft II
demonstrates a Court that is overly deferential
to the free market. The Court said COPA is problematic
because the software filtering technology available
in the marketplace can take care of children.
Ashcroft II is therefore reminiscent
of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Lochner
v. New York, where the Court celebrated the
free market in striking down legislation designed
to protect workers. Indeed, the Internet is practically
the first technology the Court has embraced quickly,
rather than demonstrating fear. Ultimately, the
Ashcroft II Court's reasoning has the
practical impact of "filtering" out
a strong governmental interest in protecting children,
hence the title of this paper.
My third point is that the incoherence of the
Supreme Court's levels of scrutiny methodology
is partly to blame for decisions like Reno
and Ashcroft II. Indeed, the conflicting
Ashcroft II opinions by Justices Kennedy
and Breyer, focused on in this paper, could not
be more different and yet they both claim to be
using strict scrutiny. My contention therefore
is that neither Justice actually uses that classification.
Several commentators have recently written illuminating
articles about the level of scrutiny problem in
other areas of constitutional law.
This paper finishes by proposing that the Court
jettison levels of scrutiny analysis in these
kinds of First Amendment cases and instead weigh
various explicit factors such as COPA's burden
on adult speech, COPA's benefit to children, the
availability of effective alternatives, and many
others. Courts in Canada, Europe, and South Africa
call this "proportionality" review.
It results in a kind of legal analysis that focuses
more on the real value and policy issues at stake,
rather than legal formalisms.
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Constitutional Law-Free
Speech and Sex on the Internet: Court Clips COPA's
Wings, But Filtering May Still Fly. Ashcroft v.
American Civil Liberties Unions, 542 U.S. 656
(2004)
Betsy A. Bernfeld, 6 Wyo. L. Rev.
223 (2006)
"Ten years ago an English teacher could
confiscate a Playboy magazine from a 14 year-old
boy in class, and we thought it was the appropriate
thing to do." But today, separating a child
from a sexy picture can be more complicated. What
is the Internet equivalent of a brown paper wrapper
on a risqué magazine or a hidden shelf
for adult videos in the back of a movie rental
store?
In 1998, Congress passed the Child Online Protection
Act ("COPA" or "the Act")
to protect children from exposure to sexually
explicit materials on the Internet. The Act imposes
criminal and civil penalties on commercial Internet
providers who knowingly post materials on the
World Wide Web that are available to minors and
harmful to minors under age seventeen. Criminal
penalties include fines up to $50,000 and six
months in prison. Civil penalties are fines up
to $50,000 per violation per day, plus another
$50,000 for intentional violations. Content providers
are allowed an affirmative defense if they, in
good faith, restrict access to their Web sites
with some kind of age verification system.
The American Civil Liberties Union ("ACLU"),
along with a number of bookstores, Internet providers,
and free speech advocates, immediately filed suit
against COPA, claiming that it violated the First
Amendment "by suppressing a large amount
of speech on the World Wide Web that adults are
entitled to communicate and receive." The
groups asked for an injunction to prevent the
enforcement of the Act.
The Government argued that it had a "compelling"
interest in "the protection of the physical
and psychological well-being of minors by shielding
them from materials that are harmful to them."
It said minors had wide access to pornographic
material on the Internet, either through deliberate
searching or by accidentally stumbling upon it.
Through COPA, Congress sought "a national
solution to the problem of minors accessing harmful
material on the World Wide Web" that parental
control protections and industry self-regulation
could not provide.
The ACLU countered with the charge that COPA's
severe penalties were a "bludgeon" that
would suppress an enormous amount of constitutionally
protected speech for adults. The group said age
verification systems would deter up to seventy-five
percent of Web users due to privacy concerns,
and they would impose significant economic burdens
on content providers. Moreover, the measure would
not protect children from harmful materials on
foreign Web sites, non-commercial sites, and information
available through protocols other than http (HyperText
Transfer Protocol, the primary method used to
convey information on the World Wide Web). More
effective, yet less restrictive means existed
for protecting children, such as "the use
of filtering software, the promotion of Internet
education and high-quality Internet material for
children, and the vigorous enforcement of existing
laws."
After almost six years of litigation, COPA, in
2004, emerged from its second trip to the Supreme
Court in Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties
Union ("Ashcroft II"),
essentially bound and gagged. In a 5-4 decision,
the Supreme Court affirmed the Court of Appeals,
upholding the preliminary injunction against COPA
because the Government had failed to rebut the
plaintiffs' contention that there are plausible
less restrictive alternatives to the Act. The
Court remanded the case back to the district court
for trial on the issues with a strong directive
remark: "Filters are less restrictive than
COPA." Based on the Court's opinion, it is
"highly unlikely that the statute will be
upheld on remand."
While Ashcroft II may seem like a slim
win based on the close vote and the procedural
rather than substantive nature of the decision,
it is actually a bell-ringing victory for the
First Amendment. Buried within the opinion is
the fact that eight of the nine justices agreed
that any decisions regarding content restrictions
on the Internet should be held to strict scrutiny.
This is a solid affirmation of Reno v. ACLU,
which held the Internet to be "the most participatory
form of mass speech yet developed," entitled
to "the highest protection from governmental
intrusion."
On the other hand, the Court's strong implication
that filters are a preferable alternative to source-based
restrictions on the Internet should be a fire
alarm for First Amendment advocates. Filters have
been found to be ineffective because they overblock
substantial amounts of constitutionally protected
materials while underblocking harmful materials.
This case note will trace the development of
First Amendment case law with respect to the restriction
of sexually explicit materials in print, in the
broadcast media, and on the Internet, and what
special restrictions are in place for children.
It will demonstrate that speech on the Internet
has achieved the highest protection, which Ashcroft
II upholds. It will also examine the vulnerability
of that protected status. The case note then will
follow Ashcroft II to its logical conclusion
by examining the proposed, less-restrictive alternative
of filtering. It will reveal the inherent deficiencies
of filters as well as the legal barrier that prevents
their improvement. It will argue that Ashcroft
II's fallback on the software as a technological
fix for the problem of sexually explicit material
on the Internet amounts to blind hope. The case
note will propose that the courts directly address
the restrictions filters currently impose on free
speech and take steps to eliminate those inadequacies.
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